That’s the second reason Trump is not well-positioned to retain his hold on public attention: He has largely abandoned any pretense that he thinks about anything other than his personal resentments, or that he is trying to harness his movement to big ideas that will improve the lives of citizens. But they never live long, and Trump has offered no reason to suppose he will be an exception.
Cults of personality in American politics are quite common. In every case, their movements decayed rapidly. They tapped into genuine popular grievance toward elites, and had ascendant moments in which they caused the system to quake and intimidated conventional politicians of both parties. Like Trump, they all possessed flamboyant, self-dramatizing personas. In multiple other ways, he is a familiar American type, anticipated by such diverse figures as Joseph McCarthy, George Wallace, and Ross Perot.
Trump, however, is singular in one sense only: No politician of his stripe has ever achieved the presidency. The perception that Trump will remain relevant hinges on the possibility that he is a unique historical figure. Most important are the abundant precedents suggesting Trump does not have another important act in national politics. There are three primary reasons to be deeply skeptical that Trump’s moment of dominating his party and public consciousness will continue long after Jan.
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